Dilip Sinha, a former Indian diplomat, wrote Imperial Games in Tibet: The Struggle for Statehood and Sovereignty. This outstanding scholarly study, which is founded on a great deal of archival research, provides a concise overview of how Tibet, a country that was conquered by a powerful neighbour and abandoned by the international community, became involved in the imperial intrigues that were taking place in the high Himalayas. Even India, Tibet’s long-time ally, failed the Tibetans when they most needed help and a voice to inform the rest of the world of their disaster.

Mr. Sinha describes how the major powers active in Asia throughout history treated Tibet, China, and India, as well as the other linked kingdoms of East Turkestan and Mongolia. In simple terms, Britain was unable to fully integrate and rule Tibet in the same way that it did India. China was also a distant and enormous country that required more strength to rule than Britain could provide. Britain, which was continually concerned about Russian invasion into Asia, especially India and China, decided it was best to support Beijing’s dominance over these two territories, so preempting any Russian incursion into India’s neighbourhood.

The Tibetan question is perplexing, and the country’s foreign standing fluctuates with the tides of world geopolitics. China asserts Tibet has been a part of China since time immemorial. Tibetans, on the other hand, feel they are a sovereign people with a distinct cultural, religious, and linguistic identity that is completely independent of China. The book examines how rival imperial powers China, Britain, and Russia competed for influence in Tibet and how geopolitical events—the Great Game—sealed the fate of the Himalayan Buddhist nation.

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Mr. Sinha writes, “Its misfortune was that Britain and Russia left it in the Chinese empire, refusing to support its bid for independence even after the collapse of the Manchu dynasty. Had either of them annexed it at that time, or earlier, Tibet would be a free country today.” Sinha explores the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet and the rise of the Dalai Lama-led Gelug Buddhist sect in the fourteenth century. The nuances of China-Tibetan relations throughout history are also traced by him.

He says, “Mongols invaded Tibet in the thirteenth century, and the Manchus arrived in the eighteenth century. Both groups conquered and ruled Tibet from Beijing.” Tibet used to be an imperial state, but Buddhism arrived from India, “ushered in a reclusive pacifism.” The growth of monasteries made it susceptible to outside interference since the lamas were prepared to look for outside help to resolve internal conflicts.

Tibet had the chance to reaffirm its independence after the Manchu monarchy fell in 1912, but it was unable to carry out its objective due to a lack of foreign assistance. As a result, Tibet was never colonised by a Western power because of the incorrigible nature of the Tibetan people, the difficult terrain, China’s strong historical influence, and its claim of “suzerainty” over the region. Because of this, Tibet continued to be one of the few countries in Asia that was not acknowledged as undergoing a transition to a contemporary Westphalian state.

The Indian government and Prime Minister Nehru are also not spared by Sinha. During and after the Communist Chinese takeover, the newly independent country, which had inherited its treaties and relations with Tibet from the British Raj, accepted the Chinese control over Tibet instead of defending it. Prior to and following the Chinese invasion, Tibet first sought assistance from India. In his wisdom, however, Prime Minister Nehru of India would not be involved. After the invasion, he even declined to bring up the issue in the UN General Assembly.

Mr. Sinha writes, “There was internal disagreement over India’s policy.” Finally, it was little El Salvador that came to the rescue of the Tibetans in the United Nations, highlighting that “the peaceful nation of Tibet had been invaded without provocation” and “called for the formation of a General Assembly committee to recommend measures.”

Mr. Sinha says that “China is the current winner of the imperial game, and there is no end in sight to its occupation of Tibet.” The book, Imperial Games in Tibet, is a well-researched book that is contemporary and approachable, with a primary focus on Tibet’s history. It will be of interest to both experts and general readers.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Voice of Ladakh or its editorial team.